There are inherent hazards in writing an article on an active political leader. Universally, political leaders also face a fundamental danger of being constantly compared to immortal members of the political clan if she or he happens to have a good pedigree. In Rahul Gandhi’s case, comparisons have at times been drawn with his father, his grandmother, and great grandfather.
Being the fifth generation of the family that has at times been considered and projected as the ‘First Family’ of Indian politics by sycophantic apparatchiks of the party, Rahul Gandhi has had failure as a constant companion, partly because the times are so loaded against him and also because of his own limitations. But all instances of fiasco that have been apportioned to Rahul have not always been his doing. To be fair to Rahul, he has not been allowed to be his own man. It is a different matter that there is little clarity still regarding the kind of man he wishes to be.
Like his father, Rahul Gandhi was a reluctant entrant to politics. Just like his father would have preferred his space in another setting, Rahul would have liked a small alcove in the Caribbean Sea or some other place of choice. But while Indira Gandhi’s assassination transformed Rajiv Gandhi overnight, in Rahul’s case, the continuing presence of his mother has been an impediment. A couple of years ago, when Sonia Gandhi suddenly went abroad for an undisclosed medical condition, a mechanism was created to put Rahul Gandhi in the driver’s seat. But with the crisis ebbing, his elevation as party commander got stuck. He displayed indications of wanting to take charge, but found little support from the old guard of the party.
It already was bad enough that the United Progressive Alliance had a dual power structure, with the Prime Minister and the Congress president often pulling the cart in two opposite directions. This was compounded by parallel power structures in the Congress party – the old guard and the Rahul brigade, those manning corporate-style ‘war rooms’. As a result, even while Rahul Gandhi was leading the campaign in the recent assembly polls in five states, the old guard was waging a smear campaign. The effort just went into over-drive the moment the verdict went against the Congress party.
The problem is that Sonia Gandhi has worked her way with one set of power hierarchies and this, led by Ahmed Patel, her political secretary, got threatened. This group was essentially insecure about the rise of Rahul since 2004, when he entered the electoral fray. Their anxiety stemmed from the knowledge that new leaders invariably build new power structures around them: Indira Gandhi did so, and so did his father, Rajiv. The old guard stands to lose with Rahul’s emergence, and thus kept throwing in a spanner or two.
The problem with the Congress party is that it believed in 2009 that the party had won the 2014 election as well. As a result, the party became lazy and allowed the government to let matters slip to the point of no-return on several counts. As far as Rahul was concerned, he began on an over-ambitious note trying to regain Uttar Pradesh – a state where Congress has not won state elections since 1984. He thought that it would be easy to politically regain the territory by a few padyatras and roadshows. Perhaps a less daunting target would have been strategically better and not result in the humiliation he suffered when Congress came a cropper in the 2012 assembly elections.
The latest verbal pyrotechnics by Rahul, over the Ordinance that sought to protect tainted politicians, began on a note of the party becoming a bystander to a leader who was moving to take charge brutally. But eventually, Rahul fell by the wayside and did not push matters to its logical end. This once again demonstrated that both Rahul and his mother had a common trait: Often they would go just half way up the tree and not the complete distance. In politics, this does not work, and ruthlessness is often the need of the hour.
The year 2014 begins on a note with Rahul Gandhi and the Congress party having little or no expectations from the year. The year has also begun with little expectation from Rahul. The much-hyped Modi vs Rahul presidential style campaign has come a cropper even before it could take off on in real earnest. In the election year, there is probably not a single state where the party is comfortably placed. Karnataka is probably the best bet for the party for a respectable performance, but the state accounts for just about five percent of the strength of the Lok Sabha.
In the cyclical path of its development, the Congress party started entering a low trough from the winter of 2009. It will probably enter the lowest point in 2014. This year will mark a decade of Rahul Gandhi being in politics. The balance-sheet of this decade in public life will be drawn up in a year from now. It will depend on which of the trajectories Rahul Gandhi opts for.
The first would be to give in to the old guard in the party and hope that the strategy they opt for prevents complete decimation of the party. The second option would be to continue assuming control of the party, but this would mean telling his mother that he has to run things his way. However, this path would mean entering the fray in 2014 with the clear assumption of sitting in the Opposition, because Rahul Gandhi talks of a long-term vision, nothing in the immediate run. The third option is, of course, always there: take a long walk and vacate the space for others in the family or organisation. The choice is his!
(The author is a Delhi-based senior journalist and author, most recently of Narendra Modi: The Man, The Times)
"I am not here to make you emotional, but to wipe your tears," said BJP PM candidate Narendra Modi at a rally in Jhansi on Oct 25. That was directly aimed at Congress AICC vice-president Rahul Gandhi, who recently made an emotional speech saying, "My grandmother was killed, my father was assassinated. I may also be killed." That is how the Modi vs Rahul tale has always been.
Except for their appearance-- both wear white khadi kurtas-- the contrast between the two political leaders is crystal clear. Yet, there are many commonalities that are often ignored. Modi is an acclaimed orator, Rahul is still learning the tactics of mass appeal, which he is yet to catch beyond his dimpled smile. Almost all the time, it is the Newton's theory that works between them. For every action there is an equal and opposite reaction. Already in poll mode, Rahul wanted to try a slogan and that came on September 11 at a rally in tribal-dominated Udaipur. Days later, Rahul reworked on the earlier poll quote in this way. And do you know how Modi reacted to it?At a rally in Jhansi in UP on Oct 25, Modi told the gathering: "If you give BJP even 60 months, we will change the face & fate of the nation."They both think differently. How? Modi demonstrated to college students by holding up a glass of water.Can anyone link physics to politics. Rahul did at a dalit meet. He told them to take on BSP supremo Mayawati, who is blocking their welfare. "If you want to go to space, your velocity has to bee 11 km/sec, but for Jupiter you need 60km/sec," he said While Modi, 62, has to his credit winning three assembly polls and has had administrative experience since 2001, Rahul, 42, has not held any government post since entering the Lok Sabha in 2014.Rahul is a priviledged 'prince' with the brand name of Gandhi while Modi's is a journey of struggle to the top. Both like their speeches to have a technology tinge.And Rahul said, "If India is computer, Congress its default program."Modi began as a Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh pracharak and gradually moved up the ranks in the BJP while Gandhi is been groomed under the patronage of the country's oldest party.The BJP likes to call it 'dynasty versus meritocracy' and the Congress wants to name it as the secular versus communal fight. While Rahul takes solace in 'Mere paas maa hai' (My mom is with me) kind of speeches, often referring to intiatives taken up by congress supremo and his mother Sonia Gandhi, Modi can endlessly talk about how he has made Gujarat a model state. Modi's humble growth up the ladder has got him an identity as a middle-class icon while Rahul speaks extensively of welfare of the backward class. Modi is emerging a favourite among the youths for his talks focused on India's growth, Rahul claims to provide a new identity for the youth brigade. While Modi was named the BJP's central poll campaign committee head in June 2013, months before that in November 2012 Rahul Gandhi was picked to head the Congress election coordination committee.This happened two months before Gandhi was made the AICC vice president, the second-in-command in the party after his mother and party chief Sonia Gandhi. Unlike Modi, who had to face opposition from his senior party leaders, Rahul's ascension was unanimous choice of the party. As for more similarities other than dressing, both shoulder the responsibility of victory of their parties in the forthcoming elections.
AICC vice-president Rahul Gandhi has a degree from Cambridge University, but when it comes to politics, he has his backroom boys as advisors. From what he wears to what he talks, everything is scrutinised. This is the team, comprising Oxford scholars to former bureaucrats, that stands by Rahul as he takes on BJP's PM candidate Narendra Modi in the forthcoming general elections.
An Oxford graduate, Kaushal Vidyarthee is currently the programme manager at Rajiv Gandhi Mahila Vikas Pariyojana. As a student, he was vice-president at Oxford University Student Union. What caught Rahul's attention was avid blogger's interest in research, especially the one on incorporation of Dalits in the economy. (photo courtesy: vidyarthee.com) As part of the committee in-charge of electoral strategy, Dr. Mohan Gopal provides academic insight into party's decisions. The second ever all India president of the National Students Union of India (NSUI) Gopal plans training programmes for Congress Youth members.Koppula Raju, a 1981 batch IAS officer from Hyderabad who quit his job two months ago to join Rahul, is the chairman of the Congress cell on schedule castes. He travels extensively with Rahul, holding parleys with state unit leaders. He was one among the bureaucrats, who were kidnapped by the erstwhile People's War Group Naxalites, in Gurtedu, in East Godavari district, in 1987. Kanishka Singh, an investment banker, gave up his job at the World Bank to join politics in 2003, the year he was part of the team that helped Delhi CM Sheila Dixit's sweep in the assembly polls. Ever since Congress won Amethi seat in 2004, he has been a companion of Rahul. Singh, a computer engineer and MBA from Wharton, was in charge of door-to-door campaigning in the Saraini Assembly segment.K B Byju, former SPG sharp shooter who provided protection to the Gandhi family, quit forces three years ago to take a plunge into politics. He is the point person for Rahul's (in pic) outstation tours as he coordinates with security personnel and at times, he acts as media coordinator too. (Byju's pic was not available)Sachin Rao, a graduate of the Michigan Business School, manages matters concerning internal surveys and also Youth Congress. Alankar Sawai, a former banker, is now in-charge of documents and social media in the Rahul's team. Like Sachin Rao, Sawai also looks after Youth Congress affairs. (Alankar's pic wasn't available)Apart from this core team, Rahul has others providing him advice on many fronts. Congress leader Digvijay Singh is commonly known as Rahul's mentor or personal loud speaker. Lok Sabha MP from Mandsaur in Madhya Pradesh, Meenakshi Natarajan, is often referred by Rahul as a politician who has made success despite not having pedigree. She lives by her rules as taking public transport.
Lawyers address the media outside the Supreme Court on Wednesday after the court held that gay sex is a criminal offence. Advocate Anand Grover, who had argued the case, said Naz Foundation would file a petition for a review of SC's decision on the verdict.
Gay rights activists embrace each other during a protest in New Delhi. Gay rights activists who were inside the courtroom were visibly upset while some outside broke down and hugged each other in consolation.Gay rights activists hold placards during a protest in Bangalore after the Supreme Court order that upheld the Section 377(unnatural offences) of the Indian Penal Code by ruling that the colonial-era law criminalizing homosexuality will remain in effect in India, entailing punishment up to life term. The judgement was pronounced by Justice GS Singhvi on his last working day as a SC Judge.A placard is tied to an umbrella held by a gay rights activist during the protest meeting in Bangalore. Activists staged protests across the nation after the verdict. The activists called it a 'black day' for the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) community and vowed to carry on the fight to restore their rights including seeking its review.Gay rights activists shout slogans during the protest meeting in Bangalore. As members of LGBT community expressed shock and disappointment at the verdict, Additional Solicitor General of India, Indira Jaisingh threw her weight behind them, saying the court position is an imposition of 'medieval mindset' on the people of the country.A gay rights activist holds a placard during the protest meeting in Bangalore. "It is surprising that the court, which does judicial review on many issues, has put the ball in the court of Parliament to decide on homosexuality", said Indira Jaisingh.Gay rights activists attend a protest meeting in New Delhi. "The verdict was totally unexpected from the Supreme Court. It is a black day for the community," Arvind Narayan, a lawyer of the Alternative Law Forum gay rights group said.Gay rights activists shouting slogans during a protest in New Delhi. Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah said a lifestyle choice cannot be illegal. "People can take whatever stand their religious/moral beliefs dictate regarding #LGBT lifestyle choices but is terming it illegal not wrong?" Omar wrote on Twitter.A gay rights activist delivers a speech during the protest in New Delhi. "I don't support the Supreme Court decision. I think the Delhi High Court order was practical and constitutional. We are not in favour of the SC's decision, it is regressive. SC must review it", said Janata Dal United (JD-U) leader Shivanand Tiwari.A gay rights activist reacts to a speech during the protest in New Delhi. "These relationships are unethical as well as unnatural. They create problems in society, both moral and social. This is a sin as far as Islam is concerned", said S.Q.R Ilyas, a member of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board.Gay rights activists talk as they gather for a protest in Mumbai. A gay rights activist smokes a cigarette while listening to a speaker during the protest in New Delhi. "We have to abide by the decision," Home Minister Sushilkumar Shinde said reacting to the verdict. Gay rights activists shouting slogans at a Delhi protest rally. "The opinion of the Supreme Court has to be respected by the government," Law and Justice Minister Kapil Sibal said. A gay rights activist holds up a placard during the protest in New Delhi. "The Supreme Court has respected the sentiments of the various religious communities of India. Today they are talking of homosexuality, tomorrow they will talk of having sex with animals," Yoga guru Ramdev welcomed the judgement by saying that homosexuality is a disease.LGBT activists burst balloons during a protest against the SC ruling in Mumbai. A group of gay activists hold a banner against section 377 of the Indian Penal Code in Mumbai. Coalition for Sex Workers and Sexual Minorities Rights (CSMR) said that the Supreme Court's decision to uphold the constitutional validity of the penal provision making gay sex an offence punishable with upto life imprisonment was "deeply disappointing." LGBT activists protesting against the gay sex verdict in Mumbai. Activists say that the verdict withdraws the protective arm of the constitution from LGBT persons and renders LGBT persons vulnerable to discrimination, violence and harassment.Hollywood actor and human rights activist Mia Farrow, Bollywood celebrities Aamir Khan, John Abraham, Filmmaker Onir and Farhan Akhtar too criticised the SC verdict.Activists staging a protest at the International Film Festival of Kerala (IFFK) venue of Kairali Theatre in Thiruvananthapuram on Wednesday against the SC verdict on homosexuality. When quizzed on the uproar against the gay sex verdict, Judge Singhvi said that those criticising the verdict must read it fully first - DC/A.V. Muzafar
After keeping mum for sometime, Andhra Pradesh chief minister Kiran Kumar Reddy has once again raised voice against the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh to form a separate Telangana. He cautioned millions of farmers in Seemandhra and Telangana regions of the serious consequences of division of the state.
According to him, the bifurcation was done without addressing key issues of water, power and infrastructure, which could lead to deficit and bigger problems. He fears the lapses in water distribution would erupt.In Andhra Pradesh, the dams located in one region serve the needs of other region. For example, Srisailam dam is located in Rayalaseema, but it serves the irrigation needs of Rayalaseema, Telangana and Andhra regions. So, Kiran is worried as how can that waters be shared. Telangana comprises 68 pc of the catchment area of the Krishna river and 79 pc catchment area of Godavari river. Utilising these resources for the development of the region will be a big challenge for the state.Andhra Pradesh's major rivers include Godavari, Krishna and Pennar. According to the Krishna tribunal award, Maharashtra gets 560 tmc feet of water, Karnataka 700 TMC and Andhra Pradesh 811 TMC. The Srisailam and Nagarjunasagar dams are central to the Krishna river in Andhra Pradesh. (1 TMC equals 28.3 billion litres).The Nagarjunasagar dam is right on the border of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana and caters to the irrigation needs of Andhra and Telangana. Kiran feels the new state would badly hit irrigation projects.Godavari is less exploited as compared with Krishna and most of the water flows into the Bay of Bengal. The Godavari Waters Disputes Tribunal in 1975 awarded 1,480 TMC to Andhra Pradesh, but proponents of separate Telangana are demanding more than 60 pc of that water share.As for agriculture is concerned, Seemandhra regions are better irrigated and account for 60 pc of total crops cultivated in Andhra Pradesh. Telangana has over 65 pc agriculture pumpsets. But with Telangana expected to face at least 40-50 pc power shortage, the irrigation projects will be affected.Currently in Andhra Pradesh, the power generation is only 57 million units per day against a demand of 115 MU. Though Telangana boasts of major coal deposits, Seemandhra has more gas-based stations with higher installed capacity of power. The Ramagundam thermal power station is in Telangana but is controlled by the Centre.Kiran accused TRS chief K. Chandrasekhar Rao of misleading farmers with a promise to bring 10,000 MW from Chhattisgarh since the installed capacity of the neighbouring state was only 6300 MW.Before bifurcating the state, the Centre, Kiran feels, must have clarity on the status of Hyderabad, which several people from Seemandhra made their home after the formation of AP decades ago.Even as APNGO members are protesting against shifting of the secretariat employees to Seemandhra, Kiran rejected the TRS statistics and said out of 18,856 employees identified as non-locals under GO 610, 9,174 were repatriated and 4,062 were exempted as per the rules.As the capital of united AP for nearly 60 years, Hyderabad city has witnessed enormous growth and transformed into a large metropolis. In the process, many other regions of the State have been neglected. People from Andhra and Rayalaseema are heavily dependent on Hyderabad for health facilities, education and employment opportunities.